In McCulloch v. Maryland (1819), the U.S. Supreme Court, in a unanimous opinion by Chief Justice John Marshall, held that Congress has the implied power under the Necessary and Proper Clause to create a national bank, and that Maryland could not constitutionally tax that federal instrumentality because the power to tax is the power to destroy and federal law is supreme under the Supremacy Clause. The case is the foundational authority for both broad implied congressional powers and the principle that states cannot tax or regulate the operations of the federal government.
Here's why this case matters more than almost any other in your Con Law course: it is the case that decides how much power the federal government actually has. Nearly every modern debate — the reach of the Commerce Clause, the constitutionality of the ACA, federal preemption of state law — traces back to the two questions Marshall answered here. Learn this brief cold, because your professor will build the entire structure-of-government unit on top of it.
McCulloch v. Maryland, 17 U.S. (4 Wheat.) 316 (1819). Decided by the United States Supreme Court, Chief Justice John Marshall writing for a unanimous Court. The case arose on a writ of error from the Maryland Court of Appeals, which had ruled against the Bank of the United States and in favor of the State of Maryland.
In 1816, Congress chartered the Second Bank of the United States and the Bank opened a branch in Baltimore, Maryland. Maryland, hostile to the national bank, enacted a law in 1818 imposing a tax on any bank operating in the state that was not chartered by the Maryland legislature — a law that, in practice, targeted the federal Bank. James McCulloch, the head cashier of the Baltimore branch, issued bank notes without paying the Maryland tax. Maryland sued to recover the penalties. The two questions were straightforward on their face but enormous in consequence: (1) Did Congress have the constitutional power to charter a national bank? (2) If so, could Maryland tax it?
Maryland brought suit against McCulloch in state court to collect the statutory penalties for issuing notes without paying the tax. The Baltimore County Court ruled for Maryland, and the Maryland Court of Appeals affirmed. McCulloch appealed to the United States Supreme Court by writ of error.
Two precise legal questions: First, does Congress have the constitutional authority to incorporate a national bank, given that no clause of the Constitution expressly grants that power? Second, if the Bank is constitutional, may a state tax an instrumentality of the federal government?
The Court held, unanimously: (1) Yes, Congress had the power to charter the Bank. Although no enumerated power expressly authorizes a bank, the Necessary and Proper Clause (Art. I, § 8, cl. 18) grants Congress the means to carry into execution its enumerated powers (taxing, borrowing, regulating commerce, supporting armies), and a national bank is a legitimate means to those ends. (2) No, Maryland could not tax the Bank. The Supremacy Clause bars a state from taxing or otherwise burdening a valid instrumentality of the federal government, because to allow it would let a state defeat federal law.
The rules for your outline:
Marshall's reasoning is the reason this case is taught, so know each move:
1. Sovereignty flows from the people, not the states. Maryland argued the Constitution was a compact among sovereign states, so federal power should be read narrowly. Marshall rejected this: the Constitution was ratified by conventions of the people, making the federal government supreme within its sphere, deriving its authority directly from the people.
2. The absence of an express "bank" power is not fatal. Marshall reasoned that a constitution, by its nature, cannot enumerate every incidental power — it marks only "great outlines" and "important objects." Here comes the line your professor will demand: "we must never forget that it is a constitution we are expounding" — meaning the document is meant to endure and adapt, so its grants of power must be read practically, not as a legal code that spells out every detail.
3. The meaning of "necessary." Maryland argued "necessary" in the Necessary and Proper Clause meant absolutely indispensable — that Congress could use only means it could not do without. Marshall rejected this narrow reading. He looked at ordinary usage, the placement of the clause (in the section granting powers, not limiting them), and the contrast with the phrase "absolutely necessary" used elsewhere in the Constitution. "Necessary" means convenient, useful, or conducive to — appropriate and plainly adapted to the end. This is the interpretive move that unlocks broad federal power.
4. Application to the tax. Because the Bank was constitutional and a valid arm of the federal government, the Supremacy Clause meant Maryland's tax could not stand. Marshall's logic: the power to tax is the power to destroy; the people of Maryland can tax their own representatives and interests, but a state cannot tax the federal Bank, which represents the whole nation, because that would let a part control the whole. Note the limiting principle — Marshall carefully said this reasoning does not bar a state from taxing the real property the Bank owns, or the interests of Bank stockholders held in common with other property. The immunity protects the federal operation, not everything the Bank touches.
This case does two structural jobs, and your professor will treat them as separate doctrines. First, it is the fountainhead of implied and broad congressional power — the reason Congress can create the FBI, the national bank system, and countless agencies never mentioned in Article I. When you later study the Commerce Clause (Gibbons, Wickard, Lopez, the ACA cases), McCulloch's generous reading of federal means is the baseline. Second, it establishes federal supremacy and intergovernmental immunity — the principle that states cannot use their powers to obstruct legitimate federal action. It sits early in the structure-of-government unit precisely because everything about federalism is downstream of it.
This is the section that saves your cold call. Have these answers loaded:
"Where does Congress get the power to create a bank? Point to the text." — There's no express bank power. The authority comes from the Necessary and Proper Clause, Article I, Section 8, Clause 18, which lets Congress make all laws "necessary and proper" to execute its enumerated powers — here, the powers to tax, borrow, and regulate commerce.
"What does 'necessary' mean, and what did Maryland argue it meant?" — Maryland argued it meant absolutely indispensable, the single most direct means. Marshall held it means appropriate, convenient, and plainly adapted to a legitimate end. Be ready to explain how Marshall got there: ordinary meaning, the clause's placement among grants of power, and the contrast with "absolutely necessary" in Article I, Section 10.
"State the McCulloch test." — Let the end be legitimate and within the scope of the Constitution; then all means that are appropriate, plainly adapted to that end, and not prohibited by and consistent with the letter and spirit of the Constitution are constitutional. Memorize this near-verbatim.
"Why can't Maryland tax the Bank?" — Supremacy Clause. The power to tax is the power to destroy, and a state cannot be allowed to burden a valid federal instrumentality, because that would let a state defeat federal law and let a part control the whole.
"What CAN Maryland tax?" — This is the trap follow-up. Marshall said the immunity is not unlimited: Maryland could tax real property the Bank owns within the state and could tax the interest of Maryland citizens in the Bank in common with other property. It cannot tax the Bank's federal operations directly. If you can articulate the limit, you look prepared.
"What's the significance of 'it is a constitution we are expounding'?" — It signals that the Constitution is a broad, enduring framework meant to adapt to circumstances, not a detailed code — so its grants of power get a flexible, practical reading. This is the interpretive philosophy that supports broad federal power.
On a Con Law issue-spotter, McCulloch surfaces in two typical patterns. Pattern one — federal power: Congress enacts something not expressly authorized (a national program, agency, or requirement). Your job is to find the enumerated power it serves and then run the Necessary and Proper analysis: legitimate end within an enumerated power + means appropriate and plainly adapted to it. McCulloch supplies the deferential standard. Pattern two — state interference with federal operations: a state taxes, regulates, or conditions a federal activity or federal employee. Flag intergovernmental immunity and the Supremacy Clause, and remember the limit — states can impose nondiscriminatory taxes on property and generally applicable laws, but cannot discriminatorily burden or directly tax federal operations.
The trap: weaker exam answers treat McCulloch as authority that Congress can do anything. It is not a blank check. The end still must trace to an enumerated power, and post-1937 doctrine (and later cases like Lopez) polices the outer limits. The stronger move is to state McCulloch's generous standard, then identify whether there's an outer-limit problem. On the immunity side, the trap is forgetting that Marshall carved out ordinary, nondiscriminatory state taxes on property — don't overstate the immunity.